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Friday, December 2, 2016

Humble #soybean becomes a ‘widow-maker’ for agriculture traders

Bad weather and unexpectedly strong demand spurs rollercoaster ride for commodity traders.


Humble soyabean becomes a ‘widow-maker’ for agriculture traders

© AP
The humble soyabean is a leading contender for widow-maker commodity of the year in 2016.
The “widow maker” trade of the 2000s was natural gas, taking down big name investors and trading executives whose bets were on the wrong side of the market. This year, the oilseed’s volatile swings in price — the meal is used to feed pigs and poultry and its oil for cooking and biodiesel — has wrongfooted many traders and investors.
What should have been a relatively bearish yet stable market due to forecast bumper crops, instead had a roller-coaster ride, on bad weather in key producing countries and unexpectedly strong demand.
“It’s been a hard market,” says Kona Haque, head of research at agricultural commodity traders ED & F Man.
Wilmar, the Singapore based trading house, was among the first to reveal that it had become a casualty of the volatility, issuing a profit warning in July. In August, it announced that its oilseed and grains unit had losses of $344m in the second quarter, blaming the poor results on the “untimely purchases of soybeans in a highly volatile market”.
The agricultural ABCDs — Archer Daniels MidlandBunge, Cargill and Louis Dreyfus Company — all announced that their soyabean trading or processing businesses had been affected by the volatility. Engelhart, the trader formerly owned by Brazilian bank BTG Pactual, also attributed part of its $225m loss in the third quarter to soyabean trades gone awry.

Read how they got there here:
Humble soyabean becomes a ‘widow-maker’ for agriculture traders:



   The Pangea Advisors Blog

Thursday, December 1, 2016

#Glencore $GLEN-LSE | Investor update in line

Dividend commitment in line to weaker in the near term...Net Debt for 2016 could come in above forecast, a modest negative...but sales coming higher, EBITDA for 2017 likely to be higher than consensus, a positive

From CanaccordGenuity 

Glencore PlcDiversifieds | Flash Update    
Investor update in line 
 
GLEN-LSE | Price  (30-Nov) 279p | Market Cap  £40,205M
HOLD
PRICE TARGET 250p
 
 

No surprises from today's Investor Update

Glencore (GLEN) this morning announced the framework for a new distribution policy as well as a capital allocation process, on which more detail will be released at noon today (GMT) in the GLEN investor presentation. All in, however, there were no major upside surprises in this release and the new distribution policy structure was in line with our expectations from as far back as late 2015.

Dividend commitment in line to weaker in the near term

The newly set out GLEN dividend policy is good, but the structure is directly in line with our forecasts and short-term commitment slightly weaker than we think GLEN can afford. GLEN has announced a US$1bn dividend for 2017 (in line with CG base, but below our US$1.9bn forecast), so we think GLEN could have gone stronger. From 2018 GLEN has committed to a US$1bn base dividend from Marketing (below CG forecast US$2bn base) and a 25% payout from Industrials free cash (we had forecast a 30% payout). All in, we see the near-term dividend commitment as weaker than anticipated, but the structure in line.

Net Debt for 2016 could come in above forecast, a modest negative

GLEN has also highlighted net debt of US$16.5-17.5bn for 2016 (vs CG at US$14.5bn) which is weaker than our forecast for free cash in 2H16. On our current forecasts, we expect GLEN would at least finish the year at US$15bn of net debt. While we forecast a flat working capital balance for the year 2016, price rises in 2H16 may lead to higher than anticipated working cap outflows in 2H16, possibly US$2bn more than our current forecasts. However, we will have to wait until year end reporting to find out the realised impact.

EBITDA for 2017 likely to be higher than consensus, a positive

GLEN also highlighted illustrative 2017 EBITDA of ~US$14bn vs CG at US$13bn. We are close to the top of consensus on 2017 EBITDA forecasts so this potential figure is not a surprise to us. However, consensus upgrades are likely to follow from this highlight, which we see as a positive for sentiment.

Net Debt/EBITDA maximum signals a potential end to deleveraging

GLEN also announced the completion of the asset disposal program (expected) which we see as good news. A Net Debt to EBITDA maximum of 2x through the cycle was set by GLEN, which to us is signalling: 1) GLEN level of comfort with current net debt levels (in line with CG view) and 2) the potential end to deleveraging from here (in line). To us, this also signals that the company is willing to potentially take Net Debt back up to the US$20bn level (CG max was closer to US$15-17bn) via either acquisition or dividend .

  
Tim Huff | Analyst |  Canaccord Genuity Limited (UK) |  
Nick Hatch | Analyst |  Canaccord Genuity Limited (UK) |  

Wednesday, November 16, 2016

#Gold production may fall 30% in next 10 years - Bloomberg


Gold’s dwindling pipeline of new mines is poised to usher in a decade-long output slump, spurring prices and delivering a new impetus for dealmaking and industry consolidation, according to Goldcorp Inc., the third-largest gold producer.

Decade of Gold Mine Declines Poised to Spur Deals, Prices

Gold’s dwindling pipeline of new mines is poised to usher in a decade-long output slump, spurring prices and delivering a new impetus for dealmaking and industry consolidation, according to Goldcorp Inc., the third-largest gold producer.
Mine supply may fall about a third in the 10 years to 2025, according to Bloomberg calculations based on forecasts from BMO Capital Markets and Randgold Resources Ltd. The number of newly discovered primary gold deposits fell to three in 2014, from a peak of 37 in 1987, according to Melbourne-based industry adviser MinEx Consulting Pty.
“What we’ll possibly see is consolidation in the industry as a result, whether that’s a large company taking over smaller ones, a number of smaller ones getting together, or even two or three large companies being merged,” Ian Telfer, chairman of Vancouver-based Goldcorp, said in an interview. “No CEO wants to run a shrinking company.”
The number of deals in the gold sector this year is the highest since 2011, as the metal’s price surge has spurred producers to trade assets to add production or to improve the quality of their mine portfolios. Goldcorp is reviewing opportunities for acquisitions or partnerships including in new discoveries and existing assets, both in the Americas and further afield, Telfer said.
...

Tuesday, November 15, 2016

What So Many People Don't Get About the U.S. Working Class
Excellent piece in the Harvard Business Review on what the Democrats missed this election. 

What So Many People Don't Get About the U.S. Working Class


My father-in-law grew up eating blood soup. He hated it, whether because of the taste or the humiliation, I never knew. His alcoholic father regularly drank up the family wage, and the family was often short on food money. They were evicted from apartment after apartment.


He dropped out of school in eighth grade to help support the family. Eventually he got a good, steady job he truly hated, as an inspector in a factory that made those machines that measure humidity levels in museums. He tried to open several businesses on the side but none worked, so he kept that job for 38 years. He rose from poverty to a middle-class life: the car, the house, two kids in Catholic school, the wife who worked only part-time. He worked incessantly. He had two jobs in addition to his full-time position, one doing yard work for a local magnate and another hauling trash to the dump.

Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, he read The Wall Street Journal and voted Republican. He was a man before his time: a blue-collar white man who thought the union was a bunch of jokers who took your money and never gave you anything in return. Starting in 1970, many blue-collar whites followed his example. This week, their candidate won the presidency.

For months, the only thing that's surprised me about Donald Trump is my friends' astonishment at his success. What's driving it is the class culture gap.

One little-known element of that gap is that the white working class (WWC) resents professionals but admires the rich. Class migrants (white-collar professionals born to blue-collar families) report that "professional people were generally suspect" and that managers are college kids "who don't know shit about how to do anything but are full of ideas about how I have to do my job," said Alfred Lubrano in Limbo. Barbara Ehrenreich recalled in 1990 that her blue-collar dad "could not say the word doctor without the virtual prefix quack. Lawyers were shysters…and professors were without exception phonies." Annette Lareau found tremendous resentment against teachers, who were perceived as condescending and unhelpful.

Michèle Lamont, in The Dignity of Working Men, also found resentment of professionals — but not of the rich. "[I] can't knock anyone for succeeding," a laborer told her. "There's a lot of people out there who are wealthy and I'm sure they worked darned hard for every cent they have," chimed in a receiving clerk. Why the difference? For one thing, most blue-collar workers have little direct contact with the rich outside of Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous. But professionals order them around every day. The dream is not to become upper-middle-class, with its different food, family, and friendship patterns; the dream is to live in your own class milieu, where you feel comfortable — just with more money. "The main thing is to be independent and give your own orders and not have to take them from anybody else," a machine operator told Lamont. Owning one's own business — that's the goal. That's another part of Trump's appeal.

Hillary Clinton, by contrast, epitomizes the dorky arrogance and smugness of the professional elite. The dorkiness: the pantsuits. The arrogance: the email server. The smugness: the basket of deplorables. Worse, her mere presence rubs it in that even women from her class can treat working-class men with disrespect. Look at how she condescends to Trump as unfit to hold the office of the presidency and dismisses his supporters as racist, sexist, homophobic, or xenophobic.

Trump's blunt talk taps into another blue-collar value: straight talk. "Directness is a working-class norm," notes Lubrano. As one blue-collar guy told him, "If you have a problem with me, come talk to me. If you have a way you want something done, come talk to me. I don't like people who play these two-faced games." Straight talk is seen as requiring manly courage, not being "a total wuss and a wimp," an electronics technician told Lamont. Of course Trump appeals. Clinton's clunky admission that she talks one way in public and another in private? Further proof she's a two-faced phony.

Manly dignity is a big deal for working-class men, and they're not feeling that they have it. Trump promises a world free of political correctness and a return to an earlier era, when men were men and women knew their place. It's comfort food for high-school-educated guys who could have been my father-in-law if they'd been born 30 years earlier. Today they feel like losers — or did until they met Trump.

Manly dignity is a big deal for most men. So is breadwinner status: Many still measure masculinity by the size of a paycheck. White working-class men's wages hit the skids in the 1970s and took another body blow during the Great Recession. Look, I wish manliness worked differently. But most men, like most women, seek to fulfill the ideals they've grown up with. For many blue-collar men, all they're asking for is basic human dignity (male varietal). Trump promises to deliver it.

The Democrats' solution? Last week the New York Times published an article advising men with high-school educations to take pink-collar jobs. Talk about insensitivity. Elite men, you will notice, are not flooding into traditionally feminine work. To recommend that for WWC men just fuels class anger.

Isn't what happened to Clinton unfair? Of course it is. It is unfair that she wasn't a plausible candidate until she was so overqualified she was suddenly unqualified due to past mistakes. It is unfair that Clinton is called a "nasty woman" while Trump is seen as a real man. It's unfair that Clinton only did so well in the first debate because she wrapped her candidacy in a shimmy of femininity. When she returned to attack mode, it was the right thing for a presidential candidate to do but the wrong thing for a woman to do. The election shows that sexism retains a deeper hold that most imagined. But women don't stand together: WWC women voted for Trump over Clinton by a whopping 28-point margin — 62% to 34%. If they'd split 50-50, she would have won.

Class trumps gender, and it's driving American politics. Policy makers of both parties — but particularly Democrats if they are to regain their majorities — need to remember five major points.

Understand That Working Class Means Middle Class, Not Poor

The terminology here can be confusing. When progressives talk about the working class, typically they mean the poor. But the poor, in the bottom 30% of American families, are very different from Americans who are literally in the middle: the middle 50% of families whose median income was $64,000 in 2008. That is the true "middle class," and they call themselves either "middle class" or "working class."

"The thing that really gets me is that Democrats try to offer policies (paid sick leave! minimum wage!) that would help the working class," a friend just wrote me. A few days' paid leave ain't gonna support a family. Neither is minimum wage. WWC men aren't interested in working at McDonald's for $15 per hour instead of $9.50. What they want is what my father-in-law had: steady, stable, full-time jobs that deliver a solid middle-class life to the 75% of Americans who don't have a college degree. Trump promises that. I doubt he'll deliver, but at least he understands what they need.

Understand Working-Class Resentment of the Poor

Remember when President Obama sold Obamacare by pointing out that it delivered health care to 20 million people? Just another program that taxed the middle class to help the poor, said the WWC, and in some cases that's proved true: The poor got health insurance while some Americans just a notch richer saw their premiums rise.

Progressives have lavished attention on the poor for over a century. That (combined with other factors) led to social programs targeting them. Means-tested programs that help the poor but exclude the middle may keep costs and tax rates lower, but they are a recipe for class conflict. Example: 28.3% of poor families receive child-care subsidies, which are largely nonexistent for the middle class. So my sister-in-law worked full-time for Head Start, providing free child care for poor women while earning so little that she almost couldn't pay for her own. She resented this, especially the fact that some of the kids' moms did not work. One arrived late one day to pick up her child, carrying shopping bags from Macy's. My sister-in-law was livid.

J.D. Vance's much-heralded Hillbilly Elegy captures this resentment. Hard-living families like that of Vance's mother live alongside settled families like that of his biological father. While the hard-living succumb to despair, drugs, or alcohol, settled families keep to the straight and narrow, like my parents-in-law, who owned their home and sent both sons to college. To accomplish that, they lived a life of rigorous thrift and self-discipline. Vance's book passes harsh judgment on his hard-living relatives, which is not uncommon among settled families who kept their nose clean through sheer force of will. This is a second source of resentment against the poor.

Other books that get at this are Hard Living on Clay Street (1972) and Working-Class Heroes (2003).

Understand How Class Divisions Have Translated into Geography

The best advice I've seen so far for Democrats is the recommendation that hipsters move to Iowa. Class conflict now closely tracks the urban-rural divide. In the huge red plains between the thin blue coasts, shockingly high numbers of working-class men are unemployed or on disability, fueling a wave of despair deaths in the form of the opioid epidemic.

Vast rural areas are withering away, leaving trails of pain. When did you hear any American politician talk about that? Never.

Jennifer Sherman's Those Who Work, Those Who Don't (2009) covers this well.

If You Want to Connect with White Working-Class Voters, Place Economics at the Center

"The white working class is just so stupid. Don't they realize Republicans just use them every four years, and then screw them?" I have heard some version of this over and over again, and it's actually a sentiment the WWC agrees with, which is why they rejected the Republican establishment this year. But to them, the Democrats are no better.

Both parties have supported free-trade deals because of the net positive GDP gains, overlooking the blue-collar workers who lost work as jobs left for Mexico or Vietnam. These are precisely the voters in the crucial swing states of Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania that Democrats have so long ignored. Excuse me. Who's stupid?

One key message is that trade deals are far more expensive than we've treated them, because sustained job development and training programs need to be counted as part of their costs.

At a deeper level, both parties need an economic program that can deliver middle-class jobs. Republicans have one: Unleash American business. Democrats? They remain obsessed with cultural issues. I fully understand why transgender bathrooms are important, but I also understand why progressives' obsession with prioritizing cultural issues infuriates many Americans whose chief concerns are economic.

Back when blue-collar voters used to be solidly Democratic (1930–1970), good jobs were at the core of the progressive agenda. A modern industrial policy would follow Germany's path. (Want really good scissors? Buy German.) Massive funding is needed for community college programs linked with local businesses to train workers for well-paying new economy jobs. Clinton mentioned this approach, along with 600,000 other policy suggestions. She did not stress it.

Avoid the Temptation to Write Off Blue-Collar Resentment as Racism

Economic resentment has fueled racial anxiety that, in some Trump supporters (and Trump himself), bleeds into open racism. But to write off WWC anger as nothing more than racism is intellectual comfort food, and it is dangerous.

National debates about policing are fueling class tensions today in precisely the same way they did in the 1970s, when college kids derided policemen as "pigs." This is a recipe for class conflict. Being in the police is one of the few good jobs open to Americans without a college education. Police get solid wages, great benefits, and a respected place in their communities. For elites to write them off as racists is a telling example of how, although race- and sex-based insults are no longer acceptable in polite society, class-based insults still are.

I do not defend police who kill citizens for selling cigarettes. But the current demonization of the police underestimates the difficulty of ending police violence against communities of color. Police need to make split-second decisions in life-threatening situations. I don't. If I had to, I might make some poor decisions too.

Saying this is so unpopular that I risk making myself a pariah among my friends on the left coast. But the biggest risk today for me and other Americans is continued class cluelessness. If we don't take steps to bridge the class culture gap, when Trump proves unable to bring steel back to Youngstown, Ohio, the consequences could turn dangerous.

In 2010, while on a book tour for Reshaping the Work-Family Debate, I gave a talk about all of this at the Harvard Kennedy School. The woman who ran the speaker series, a major Democratic operative, liked my talk. "You are saying exactly what the Democrats need to hear," she mused, "and they'll never listen." I hope now they will.



Tuesday, October 4, 2016

#CoCo #Bonds and #DeutscheBank

Below is a comment from Armstrong Economics about Co-Co bonds and Deutsche Bank:

 

We have been warning investors to stay away from Co-Co bonds for some time because of the high risk.

"Any bail-in is more likely to take place by wiping out its bonds called CoCos, which have no maturity date. Indeed, investors may never get their money back. Under the terms, the bank can redeem them, usually after five years if it wants to. The annual coupon payments are contingent on the bank's ability to keep its capital above certain critical threshold levels. If the bank's capital falls below that threshold, the bank won't make the coupon payment. Investors cannot call a default on these bonds, and that sets them up for a bail-in. Investors are simply sitting on bonds that they bought because they had a 6% coupon. However, there is not maturity and no guarantee of redemption and if capital falls below the threshold they plunged in value and pay no coupon. Consequently, if regulators deem that the bank is failing, then these CoCos will be bailed-in by either being converted into declining values in shares or could be just canceled.

These 6% CoCo notes traded as high as 104 cents on the euro in early 2014 shortly after they'd been issued, and plunged to about 70 cents and are trading in the 77 level in this latest crisis. Therefore, the CoCos are a good indication of public confidence; for if investors believe those thresholds are approaching, the bank will not pay the coupon and the risk of being converted to shares rises. Of course, converting to shares at any value could be a blessing in disguise since shares can be sold."

 


Tuesday, September 20, 2016

From #Oil to #Gold, Lukas Lundin on his family's companies.

Commodity tycoon Lukas Lundin expects oil to hit US$100 on global capex cuts
An interesting interview with Lukas Lundin on his family's companies.  

Commodity tycoon Lukas Lundin expects oil to hit US$100 on global capex cuts

If Monopoly were played for natural resources, Lukas Lundin would be the natty gent in the tuxedo — riding a motorcycle.

And like many with a knack for the board game, the Swedish-Canadian tycoon says his victories are as much about guts as a good roll of the dice.

"You make your own luck," the 58-year-old Lundin said in an interview at his Vancouver offices last week. "If you sit at home, you're never going to get the luck."

No one could accuse Lundin of lazing around the house. He and his younger brother, Ian Lundin, oversee a family fortune estimated to be worth at least US$2.5 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, a number Lundin said is about right. The Lundins own stakes in companies across the globe, holding commodities from industrial metals, gold and diamonds to oil, uranium and Latin American cattle. And they're not done yet.

"It's a good time to acquire right now," Lundin said from his office overlooking the cargo ships and sparkling waters of Burrard Inlet.

The best opportunities are in base metals and he's keen to see Lundin Mining Corp., of which the family owns about 13 per cent, resume its acquisition spree. The company bought a controlling stake in Freeport-McMoRan Inc.'s Candelaria/Ojos del Salado copper operations in Chile in 2014 and the Eagle nickel and copper mine in Michigan from Rio Tinto Group in 2013.

"For Lundin Mining, I think we have to find another large asset so we have a good growth story," he said. Meanwhile for Lundin Gold Inc., a new addition to the portfolio that has only one asset, "Ideally we'd find another high-grade gold deposit somewhere."

The company looks to buy assets, preferably developed, in a down cycle and unlock value. A rally in base metals hasn't really gained traction yet, meaning that's where the best opportunities lie, Lundin said. By comparison, gold has surged 25 per cent this year, making it "harder" to find the ideal asset to buy.

Handout

HandoutAn overview of Lundin Mining's Zinkgruvan Zinc, Lead and Silver Mine, in central Sweden.

Best Bet
Lundin said zinc could be the best-performing commodity in the next two to five years, while copper and nickel will take a bit longer. The ideal base-metal acquisition would be in Chile, Argentina or Peru, countries in which Lundin is comfortable doing business, he said.

"Bigger is better," he said, when asked what size asset he's hunting for. With borrowing costs low, he'd consider taking on more debt for a big purchase.

That, he said, needs to be balanced against the fact that both he and Lundin Mining Chief Executive Officer Paul Conibear are keen to pay shareholders a dividend as soon as cash flow makes that sustainable. "We can pay a small dividend, I think, and at the same time have a fairly good acquisition."

What Lundin companies won't do is borrow money to fund dividends. "That's crazy stuff," he said.

Issuing equity to fund a base-metals acquisition would be an option, but not until Lundin Mining's stock price is much higher. Asked if he'd consider a 10 or 20 per cent improvement as enough, he scoffed: "One hundred per cent! I'm not here for 10 or 20 per cent."

Oil at US$100
Crude could return to US$100 a barrel because the two-year market downturn has curbed investment, according to Lundin, who is also a member of Lundin Petroleum AB's board.

That kind of price rebound won't be good for the industry, said Lundin, a member of the billionaire Swedish family with interests spanning oil and solar energy to diamonds and gold.

"I think between $50 and $80 is probably better for our business," Lundin said in an interview. "It keeps it more stable and all the good projects would work."

Oil has gyrated five times between bull and bear markets this year, with benchmark Brent crude moving between a high of $52.51 a barrel and a 12-year low of $27.88. Companies across the industry are slashing spending for the 2015-to-2020 period by US$1 trillion, according to consulting firm Wood Mackenzie Ltd.
This means crude supplies will start to dwindle in as little as two years, potentially boosting prices, according to Norway's Statoil ASA.

Except during the financial crisis in 2008, average Brent prices increased every year from 2002 to 2012, and topped US$100 a barrel from 2011 to 2014. That persuaded companies to embark on higher-costs projects, building capacity that outstripped demand and led eventually to a collapse in prices.

Lundin expects prices to be US$60 to US$70 a barrel in the next nine months. Brent will average US$55.50 next year and US$62.25 in 2018, according to the median of analyst estimates compiled by Bloomberg. Only one of the 18 analysts with forecasts for 2019 expects prices higher than US$100.

Extreme Pursuits
"No guts, no glory" is the family motto and it's clear Lukas Lundin takes it to heart. A four-time motorcycle competitor in the Dakar rally, he's also climbed Mount Kilimanjaro twice. 

He has no plans to retire: "My job and my hobby's all the same so I don't really know what retirement means." It's possible one of his four sons could helm the empire at some point, he said, but only if he's the best person for the job.

The family meets once a month to discuss its holdings, which have become so extensive Lundin confesses he doesn't know their exact number. "It's a bit scary," he said. "There are too many companies." He would like to consolidate them, ideally into six or seven — from 12 now, according to a spokeswoman — either by merging or selling them.

Darryl Dyck/Bloomberg

Darryl Dyck/BloombergLukas Lundin, chairman of Lundin Gold Inc.

Finding Treasure
It might make sense, for example, to have just one oil company, he said, and at some point the family probably will sell its renewable-energy business. Given that Lundin Petroleum AB, whose board is headed by his brother Ian, expects to double or triple production in the next five or six years, it's unlikely to do more energy acquisitions, he said.

The Lundins have a reputation for finding treasure where others have passed it by, including billions of barrels of oil in Norway, at an area that had been drilled without success, and golf-ball sized diamonds at a mine in Botswana sold by De Beers.

In the case of Fruta del Norte, Lundin Gold's sole asset, he said the company was able to forge inroads with the Ecuadorean government where the asset's previous owner, Kinross Gold Corp., had been stymied.

The Lundin companies also have had some success selling assets near their cycle peak. The family owned a small stake in Red Back Mining Inc. in 2010 when it was sold for about US$8 billion to Kinross, which later booked billions of dollars in writedowns.

It could seem like a Midas touch, if not for mistakes. Lundin admits his worst was in 1995 following the sale of mining company International Musto Explorations Ltd., which netted a 1,757 per cent return to investors, according to the Lundin Group's website.

Flush from that victory, he bought assets in Mexico and tried to apply the same blueprint — but overspent and then failed to find a buyer as the project looked less and less feasible. The stock fell from $16 to 20 cents, he said. It was a hard lesson on assessing each deal on its own merits.

Today, Lundin Mining executives are considering what to do with the company's 24 per cent stake in the Tenke Fungurume mine in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The issue has arisen because its partner on the copper-cobalt operation, Freeport, struck a deal to sell its 56 per cent share to China Molybdenum Co. in May.

Lundin executives are in discussions with Freeport and the Chinese to decide whether to sell or keep their stake, or to exercise a right of first offer, allowing it to match the Luoyang-based company's bid.

China Molybdenum would likely be "OK" as a partner "but it's a different culture and they're not very experienced miners so I'm sure it's going to be more work for us," Lundin said. If Lundin Mining exercises the right, which would give it 80 per cent of the mine, it could also decide to sell its entire stake, pending approval from the government, he said.  

The mine has a long connection to the family and was important to his father Adolf, who purchased a 55 per cent stake in 1996 after convincing then-President Mobutu Sese Seko to do the deal. But if Lukas Lundin gives short shrift to the notion of luck, he's equally dismissive of nostalgia, saying there isn't a single asset the company would not consider selling for the right price.

Family Legacy
Adolf Lundin died in 2006 but his influence is ever-present in the family business. Last Thursday, a crew was in house to film a documentary for the family about his achievements. It's a legacy not without controversy. Lundin Petroleum has come under criticism over allegations that its presence in Sudan — begun under Adolf's watch but continued under his sons — contributed to human-rights violations during decades of conflict.

The brothers have maintained that their business in Sudan offered economic and social benefits to the local population, and deny the allegations. Lundin Petroleum has had no financial presence in Sudan since 2009. "It's pretty tough to have the prosecutor general in Sweden chasing us for the last seven years," Lundin said. "They want to prove we've committed war crimes. Of course it's quite unpleasant."

Photographs of Adolf, and other family members, are found throughout the office, along with the mementos of more than four decades of global deal making. "Tombstones" — the mark of a successful close — hang on the walls and sit on shelves. It's the office of an empire builder: There's a massive globe on the floor and a huge world map mounted behind Lundin's desk.

"Ninety percent of our assets are still in resources but I think, over time, we'll probably divest a bit," he said. "We'll probably become bigger in commercial real estate in Switzerland, which is very profitable."

Shades of Monopoly again — and the game's board keeps getting bigger. "We've changed a lot in 10 years," Lundin said. "Hopefully 10 years from now we're three to four times the size we are today."

Bloomberg News


Tuesday, September 13, 2016

#Infographic: How #PreciousMetals #Streaming Works

Infographic: How Precious Metals Streaming Works: In the last decade, precious metals streaming has become popular among miners and investors. But how does it work, and what are the benefits of this model?

Courtesy of: Visual Capitalist

The Pangea Advisors Blog

Cheap shipping rates are redrawing the Global #Oil Market

Cheap shipping rates are redrawing long established oil-trade routes, with some vessels spending weeks at sea  From Norway to the Bahamas, ...



MasterEnergy: Cheap shipping rates are redrawing the Global #Oil Market

Monday, September 5, 2016

#Israel: "Business Services" Providers are now liable for clients' actions: Lawyers, accountants can face #MoneyLaundering sanctions-Globes English

Globes English - Lawyers, accountants to face money laundering sanctions
This creates a huge risk of litigation for Lawyers, Accountants, Financial Advisors and others working with Israel. 

Lawyers, accountants to face money laundering sanctions

Starting last Friday, lawyers and accountants granting business service to clients are exposed to sanctions if they provide service to a client suspected of being involved in money laundering, or if they have not yet completely fulfilled their duty to identify their clients in compliance with the amendment passed last year to the Prohibition on Money Laundering Law.

Last September, the rules applying to lawyers and accountants changed when the amendment took effect - an amendment aimed at making it difficult for lawyers and accountants to serve clients "suspected" of money laundering.

The amendment requires providers of business services lawyers and accountants in the commercial field to conduct an "identification and acquaintance with the client" proceeding in order to make sure that the client is not part of activity involving money laundering.

The definition of a "business service" includes the purchase or sale of a property or business; managing the client's assets, including managing money, securities, property, bank accounts, accounts at the stock exchange, with an insurance company, or the Postal Bank; receiving, holding, or transferring money for the purpose of founding or managing a corporation; and founding or managing a corporation, business or trust for another party. The list is comprehensive, and includes most of a lawyer's commercial business.

The relevant forms and papers, including records kept by services providers in the framework of conducting the procedure, must be kept in a special folder in the service provider's office for five years for auditing purposes. The agency responsible for monitoring is the official responsible for business service providers in the Ministry of Justice.

Last Friday marked the anniversary of the date on which the amendment took effect. According to the provisions of the order applying to business service providers, during the year ending on September 1, 2016, all business service providers were obligated to implement the new regime for all the clients to whom they provide service.

The legislator gave lawyers and accountants a year to complete their implementation of the regime for their veteran clients (those to whom a business service was provided before the order took effect). Now, starting, on Friday, September 2, 2016, a business service provider who has not completed the client acquaintance and receipt of the necessary forms from that client, including a "know the client" form legally filled out and signed, will be exposed to sanctions from the official responsible for providers of business services in the Ministry of Justice. It could also be ruled that he has committed an ethical violation.

This deadline, which has been known for some time, is now arousing anxiety among lawyers and accountants, and criticism to the effect that one year is not enough time to prepare for such a substantial change in work methods that have been practiced for many years. The law is also expected to cause disputes between the official responsible for business service providers and lawyers and accountants concerning what constitutes a "business service."

Zysman, Aharoni, Gayer, & Co. partner and Tax and Money Laundering Prohibition Department head Adv. Boaz Feinberg said, "There is concern that the year given is not enough, and it appears that the business service providers will need a delay in order to complete their preparations, including with respect to their veteran clients."

From now on, the Ministry of Justice can impose monetary sanctions amounting to hundreds of thousands of shekels on those service providers, and to transfer the information to the lawyers ethics committee or the Israel Bar Association Ethics Council, which can contribute to imposing penalties ranging from rebukes to suspension of those engaging in the profession.

The question is even liable to lead to service providers being accused of crimes. "If the official responsible for business services suspects that a business service provider is refraining from identifying his client in order to assist the client in avoiding the reporting of transactions or the commission of crimes, he can give the information to the police or the Israel Tax Authority, and that business service provider is liable to be subjected to a criminal investigation," Feinberg said.

"In these circumstances," Feinberg says, "before the official responsible starts to impose monetary sanctions on lawyers and accountants, it would have proper for the correct interpretation to be made much clearer. The perception is that at this stage, things are not adequately coherent."

Published by Globes [online], Israel business news - www.globes-online.com - on September 4, 2016

© Copyright of Globes Publisher Itonut (1983) Ltd. 2016

Friday, September 2, 2016

With @citibank unwilling to process #Venezuela #debt payments, A #Default Trigger Is Armed @Stratfor

For Venezuela, a Debt Default Trigger Is Armed | Stratfor

For Venezuela, a Debt Default Trigger Is Armed

A number of recent developments, protests on Thursday notwithstanding, have raised the odds that Venezuela could default on its foreign debt repayments, triggering a cascade of events that would destabilize the country. Though the country has lived with the specter of default for years, Venezuelan officials have shown a willingness — given the existential threat that a default would pose to the current government — to cut imports and do whatever it takes to raid national coffers so funds will be available to continue making its debt payments. The country's rulers have relied primarily on its security forces to contain the unrest spawned by those tactics. But Venezuela's debt problems have now turned critical, in large part because of the pressure the U.S. government is placing on major banks to keep their distance from illicit Venezuelan financial flows.

In July, U.S.-based Citibank decided to stop processing some debt payments to Venezuela's bondholders by state oil company Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), citing a periodic risk-management review. The institution told bondholders that it would end its role as PDVSA's principal pay agent and suspend its processing of at least seven debt bonds, including some due later this year and in 2017. This will force the oil company to hunt for another institution willing to process those payments. Citibank's decision brings with it considerable risk for Venezuela. If PDVSA is unable to pay bondholders because it cannot find an alternate payment processor, it would effectively be in default. Given the nature of PDVSA debt contracts, a default could trigger a lengthy court battle, which would have significant implications not only for PDVSA's financial future but also for Venezuela's social stability. At the least, a default would spell a volatile financial road ahead for Venezuela.

Citibank's decision appears to have been motivated by its notification of ongoing investigations (particularly by the U.S. departments of Justice and the Treasury) of alleged criminal activities by individuals associated with PDVSA. According to one source, concerns about money laundering involving PDVSA influenced the move. There are also reports that additional sanctions by the United States against additional Venezuelan political figures and state institutions could be forthcoming. The bank's final decision was motivated by the regulatory risk in continuing to process the payments. Several other banks, such as UBS, Santander Private Banking, Banco Safra and HSBC, are also unlikely to process PDVSA debt payments, given the growing risks. PDVSA is currently attempting to execute a bond swap to fulfill debt payments due in 2017, although it is unclear whether its interest in a swap is related to the problems with finding a pay agent or concerns about its financial ability to make upcoming payments.

The decision by Citibank and the rising perception of risk among other financial institutions places the Venezuelan government in a tenuous position. Missing a single foreign debt payment would place PDVSA in default, which would most likely lead to lawsuits by international bondholders and a disorderly legal battle. That process, which could resemble Argentina's nearly 15-year battle with creditors, would open the door for further political and economic chaos in Venezuela. An inability to pay bondholders would eventually lead to a debt restructuring process, but PDVSA, which relies on credit to pay operating costs, would likely suffer a loss of production, as lenders would be less willing to extend credit to a bankrupt company. A significant drop in oil production would exacerbate the country's instability. The flow of dollars to public finances, which are crucial to paying for imports of food and other necessary products, would be reduced, intensifying already extreme inflation and driving more social unrest.

Because PDVSA oil exports provide about 95 percent of Venezuela's export revenue, which pays for imports and public administration, its default on foreign debt would threaten the sitting government. While the core of political elites around President Nicolas Maduro has so far been able to manage the country's deepening social and economic crises and delay a recall referendum against the president, a default would take Venezuela into uncharted territory. It would trigger a steady decline for the country's oil exports, with no real relief in sight until energy prices rise. Even with oil price recovery, PDVSA would still face a limited ability to borrow abroad as long as it remained in default.

There is still a possibility that PDVSA can find a replacement for Citibank as a payment processor and make the $5 billion in debt payments due in October and November. But if it cannot, the sharp decline in living standards accompanying a default would be extremely dangerous for stability in Venezuela. This is where U.S. influence through the International Monetary Fund could play a significant role in providing a softer landing post-default. Certainly, in a default situation, Venezuela would seek a financial assistance package from the IMF or other international lenders.

For PDVSA and the administration, the next few months will be crucial. How the military and civilian institutions surrounding the president react to a looming default — or even to the ongoing deterioration of Venezuela's economy and public finances — will be key to the nation's immediate future. A default would be a socially traumatic event that would likely widen the already visible cracks in the ruling party's alliances and could shift the outlook by pro-government institutions on their continued support of the president as he attempts to resist the recall referendum. It is also important to keep an eye on powerful individuals within the government, such as Defense Minister Gen. Vladimir Padrino Lopez, to see if they begin to publicly support a political transition away from Maduro. Public demonstrations of support for a referendum, currently ongoing in Caracas and elsewhere in the country, are only a piece of the picture. Less visible are the developments that could trigger a default and thus a political transition on very shaky economic ground.