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Tuesday, September 20, 2016

From #Oil to #Gold, Lukas Lundin on his family's companies.

Commodity tycoon Lukas Lundin expects oil to hit US$100 on global capex cuts
An interesting interview with Lukas Lundin on his family's companies.  

Commodity tycoon Lukas Lundin expects oil to hit US$100 on global capex cuts

If Monopoly were played for natural resources, Lukas Lundin would be the natty gent in the tuxedo — riding a motorcycle.

And like many with a knack for the board game, the Swedish-Canadian tycoon says his victories are as much about guts as a good roll of the dice.

"You make your own luck," the 58-year-old Lundin said in an interview at his Vancouver offices last week. "If you sit at home, you're never going to get the luck."

No one could accuse Lundin of lazing around the house. He and his younger brother, Ian Lundin, oversee a family fortune estimated to be worth at least US$2.5 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, a number Lundin said is about right. The Lundins own stakes in companies across the globe, holding commodities from industrial metals, gold and diamonds to oil, uranium and Latin American cattle. And they're not done yet.

"It's a good time to acquire right now," Lundin said from his office overlooking the cargo ships and sparkling waters of Burrard Inlet.

The best opportunities are in base metals and he's keen to see Lundin Mining Corp., of which the family owns about 13 per cent, resume its acquisition spree. The company bought a controlling stake in Freeport-McMoRan Inc.'s Candelaria/Ojos del Salado copper operations in Chile in 2014 and the Eagle nickel and copper mine in Michigan from Rio Tinto Group in 2013.

"For Lundin Mining, I think we have to find another large asset so we have a good growth story," he said. Meanwhile for Lundin Gold Inc., a new addition to the portfolio that has only one asset, "Ideally we'd find another high-grade gold deposit somewhere."

The company looks to buy assets, preferably developed, in a down cycle and unlock value. A rally in base metals hasn't really gained traction yet, meaning that's where the best opportunities lie, Lundin said. By comparison, gold has surged 25 per cent this year, making it "harder" to find the ideal asset to buy.

Handout

HandoutAn overview of Lundin Mining's Zinkgruvan Zinc, Lead and Silver Mine, in central Sweden.

Best Bet
Lundin said zinc could be the best-performing commodity in the next two to five years, while copper and nickel will take a bit longer. The ideal base-metal acquisition would be in Chile, Argentina or Peru, countries in which Lundin is comfortable doing business, he said.

"Bigger is better," he said, when asked what size asset he's hunting for. With borrowing costs low, he'd consider taking on more debt for a big purchase.

That, he said, needs to be balanced against the fact that both he and Lundin Mining Chief Executive Officer Paul Conibear are keen to pay shareholders a dividend as soon as cash flow makes that sustainable. "We can pay a small dividend, I think, and at the same time have a fairly good acquisition."

What Lundin companies won't do is borrow money to fund dividends. "That's crazy stuff," he said.

Issuing equity to fund a base-metals acquisition would be an option, but not until Lundin Mining's stock price is much higher. Asked if he'd consider a 10 or 20 per cent improvement as enough, he scoffed: "One hundred per cent! I'm not here for 10 or 20 per cent."

Oil at US$100
Crude could return to US$100 a barrel because the two-year market downturn has curbed investment, according to Lundin, who is also a member of Lundin Petroleum AB's board.

That kind of price rebound won't be good for the industry, said Lundin, a member of the billionaire Swedish family with interests spanning oil and solar energy to diamonds and gold.

"I think between $50 and $80 is probably better for our business," Lundin said in an interview. "It keeps it more stable and all the good projects would work."

Oil has gyrated five times between bull and bear markets this year, with benchmark Brent crude moving between a high of $52.51 a barrel and a 12-year low of $27.88. Companies across the industry are slashing spending for the 2015-to-2020 period by US$1 trillion, according to consulting firm Wood Mackenzie Ltd.
This means crude supplies will start to dwindle in as little as two years, potentially boosting prices, according to Norway's Statoil ASA.

Except during the financial crisis in 2008, average Brent prices increased every year from 2002 to 2012, and topped US$100 a barrel from 2011 to 2014. That persuaded companies to embark on higher-costs projects, building capacity that outstripped demand and led eventually to a collapse in prices.

Lundin expects prices to be US$60 to US$70 a barrel in the next nine months. Brent will average US$55.50 next year and US$62.25 in 2018, according to the median of analyst estimates compiled by Bloomberg. Only one of the 18 analysts with forecasts for 2019 expects prices higher than US$100.

Extreme Pursuits
"No guts, no glory" is the family motto and it's clear Lukas Lundin takes it to heart. A four-time motorcycle competitor in the Dakar rally, he's also climbed Mount Kilimanjaro twice. 

He has no plans to retire: "My job and my hobby's all the same so I don't really know what retirement means." It's possible one of his four sons could helm the empire at some point, he said, but only if he's the best person for the job.

The family meets once a month to discuss its holdings, which have become so extensive Lundin confesses he doesn't know their exact number. "It's a bit scary," he said. "There are too many companies." He would like to consolidate them, ideally into six or seven — from 12 now, according to a spokeswoman — either by merging or selling them.

Darryl Dyck/Bloomberg

Darryl Dyck/BloombergLukas Lundin, chairman of Lundin Gold Inc.

Finding Treasure
It might make sense, for example, to have just one oil company, he said, and at some point the family probably will sell its renewable-energy business. Given that Lundin Petroleum AB, whose board is headed by his brother Ian, expects to double or triple production in the next five or six years, it's unlikely to do more energy acquisitions, he said.

The Lundins have a reputation for finding treasure where others have passed it by, including billions of barrels of oil in Norway, at an area that had been drilled without success, and golf-ball sized diamonds at a mine in Botswana sold by De Beers.

In the case of Fruta del Norte, Lundin Gold's sole asset, he said the company was able to forge inroads with the Ecuadorean government where the asset's previous owner, Kinross Gold Corp., had been stymied.

The Lundin companies also have had some success selling assets near their cycle peak. The family owned a small stake in Red Back Mining Inc. in 2010 when it was sold for about US$8 billion to Kinross, which later booked billions of dollars in writedowns.

It could seem like a Midas touch, if not for mistakes. Lundin admits his worst was in 1995 following the sale of mining company International Musto Explorations Ltd., which netted a 1,757 per cent return to investors, according to the Lundin Group's website.

Flush from that victory, he bought assets in Mexico and tried to apply the same blueprint — but overspent and then failed to find a buyer as the project looked less and less feasible. The stock fell from $16 to 20 cents, he said. It was a hard lesson on assessing each deal on its own merits.

Today, Lundin Mining executives are considering what to do with the company's 24 per cent stake in the Tenke Fungurume mine in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The issue has arisen because its partner on the copper-cobalt operation, Freeport, struck a deal to sell its 56 per cent share to China Molybdenum Co. in May.

Lundin executives are in discussions with Freeport and the Chinese to decide whether to sell or keep their stake, or to exercise a right of first offer, allowing it to match the Luoyang-based company's bid.

China Molybdenum would likely be "OK" as a partner "but it's a different culture and they're not very experienced miners so I'm sure it's going to be more work for us," Lundin said. If Lundin Mining exercises the right, which would give it 80 per cent of the mine, it could also decide to sell its entire stake, pending approval from the government, he said.  

The mine has a long connection to the family and was important to his father Adolf, who purchased a 55 per cent stake in 1996 after convincing then-President Mobutu Sese Seko to do the deal. But if Lukas Lundin gives short shrift to the notion of luck, he's equally dismissive of nostalgia, saying there isn't a single asset the company would not consider selling for the right price.

Family Legacy
Adolf Lundin died in 2006 but his influence is ever-present in the family business. Last Thursday, a crew was in house to film a documentary for the family about his achievements. It's a legacy not without controversy. Lundin Petroleum has come under criticism over allegations that its presence in Sudan — begun under Adolf's watch but continued under his sons — contributed to human-rights violations during decades of conflict.

The brothers have maintained that their business in Sudan offered economic and social benefits to the local population, and deny the allegations. Lundin Petroleum has had no financial presence in Sudan since 2009. "It's pretty tough to have the prosecutor general in Sweden chasing us for the last seven years," Lundin said. "They want to prove we've committed war crimes. Of course it's quite unpleasant."

Photographs of Adolf, and other family members, are found throughout the office, along with the mementos of more than four decades of global deal making. "Tombstones" — the mark of a successful close — hang on the walls and sit on shelves. It's the office of an empire builder: There's a massive globe on the floor and a huge world map mounted behind Lundin's desk.

"Ninety percent of our assets are still in resources but I think, over time, we'll probably divest a bit," he said. "We'll probably become bigger in commercial real estate in Switzerland, which is very profitable."

Shades of Monopoly again — and the game's board keeps getting bigger. "We've changed a lot in 10 years," Lundin said. "Hopefully 10 years from now we're three to four times the size we are today."

Bloomberg News


Tuesday, September 13, 2016

#Infographic: How #PreciousMetals #Streaming Works

Infographic: How Precious Metals Streaming Works: In the last decade, precious metals streaming has become popular among miners and investors. But how does it work, and what are the benefits of this model?

Courtesy of: Visual Capitalist

The Pangea Advisors Blog

Cheap shipping rates are redrawing the Global #Oil Market

Cheap shipping rates are redrawing long established oil-trade routes, with some vessels spending weeks at sea  From Norway to the Bahamas, ...



MasterEnergy: Cheap shipping rates are redrawing the Global #Oil Market

Monday, September 5, 2016

#Israel: "Business Services" Providers are now liable for clients' actions: Lawyers, accountants can face #MoneyLaundering sanctions-Globes English

Globes English - Lawyers, accountants to face money laundering sanctions
This creates a huge risk of litigation for Lawyers, Accountants, Financial Advisors and others working with Israel. 

Lawyers, accountants to face money laundering sanctions

Starting last Friday, lawyers and accountants granting business service to clients are exposed to sanctions if they provide service to a client suspected of being involved in money laundering, or if they have not yet completely fulfilled their duty to identify their clients in compliance with the amendment passed last year to the Prohibition on Money Laundering Law.

Last September, the rules applying to lawyers and accountants changed when the amendment took effect - an amendment aimed at making it difficult for lawyers and accountants to serve clients "suspected" of money laundering.

The amendment requires providers of business services lawyers and accountants in the commercial field to conduct an "identification and acquaintance with the client" proceeding in order to make sure that the client is not part of activity involving money laundering.

The definition of a "business service" includes the purchase or sale of a property or business; managing the client's assets, including managing money, securities, property, bank accounts, accounts at the stock exchange, with an insurance company, or the Postal Bank; receiving, holding, or transferring money for the purpose of founding or managing a corporation; and founding or managing a corporation, business or trust for another party. The list is comprehensive, and includes most of a lawyer's commercial business.

The relevant forms and papers, including records kept by services providers in the framework of conducting the procedure, must be kept in a special folder in the service provider's office for five years for auditing purposes. The agency responsible for monitoring is the official responsible for business service providers in the Ministry of Justice.

Last Friday marked the anniversary of the date on which the amendment took effect. According to the provisions of the order applying to business service providers, during the year ending on September 1, 2016, all business service providers were obligated to implement the new regime for all the clients to whom they provide service.

The legislator gave lawyers and accountants a year to complete their implementation of the regime for their veteran clients (those to whom a business service was provided before the order took effect). Now, starting, on Friday, September 2, 2016, a business service provider who has not completed the client acquaintance and receipt of the necessary forms from that client, including a "know the client" form legally filled out and signed, will be exposed to sanctions from the official responsible for providers of business services in the Ministry of Justice. It could also be ruled that he has committed an ethical violation.

This deadline, which has been known for some time, is now arousing anxiety among lawyers and accountants, and criticism to the effect that one year is not enough time to prepare for such a substantial change in work methods that have been practiced for many years. The law is also expected to cause disputes between the official responsible for business service providers and lawyers and accountants concerning what constitutes a "business service."

Zysman, Aharoni, Gayer, & Co. partner and Tax and Money Laundering Prohibition Department head Adv. Boaz Feinberg said, "There is concern that the year given is not enough, and it appears that the business service providers will need a delay in order to complete their preparations, including with respect to their veteran clients."

From now on, the Ministry of Justice can impose monetary sanctions amounting to hundreds of thousands of shekels on those service providers, and to transfer the information to the lawyers ethics committee or the Israel Bar Association Ethics Council, which can contribute to imposing penalties ranging from rebukes to suspension of those engaging in the profession.

The question is even liable to lead to service providers being accused of crimes. "If the official responsible for business services suspects that a business service provider is refraining from identifying his client in order to assist the client in avoiding the reporting of transactions or the commission of crimes, he can give the information to the police or the Israel Tax Authority, and that business service provider is liable to be subjected to a criminal investigation," Feinberg said.

"In these circumstances," Feinberg says, "before the official responsible starts to impose monetary sanctions on lawyers and accountants, it would have proper for the correct interpretation to be made much clearer. The perception is that at this stage, things are not adequately coherent."

Published by Globes [online], Israel business news - www.globes-online.com - on September 4, 2016

© Copyright of Globes Publisher Itonut (1983) Ltd. 2016

Friday, September 2, 2016

With @citibank unwilling to process #Venezuela #debt payments, A #Default Trigger Is Armed @Stratfor

For Venezuela, a Debt Default Trigger Is Armed | Stratfor

For Venezuela, a Debt Default Trigger Is Armed

A number of recent developments, protests on Thursday notwithstanding, have raised the odds that Venezuela could default on its foreign debt repayments, triggering a cascade of events that would destabilize the country. Though the country has lived with the specter of default for years, Venezuelan officials have shown a willingness — given the existential threat that a default would pose to the current government — to cut imports and do whatever it takes to raid national coffers so funds will be available to continue making its debt payments. The country's rulers have relied primarily on its security forces to contain the unrest spawned by those tactics. But Venezuela's debt problems have now turned critical, in large part because of the pressure the U.S. government is placing on major banks to keep their distance from illicit Venezuelan financial flows.

In July, U.S.-based Citibank decided to stop processing some debt payments to Venezuela's bondholders by state oil company Petroleos de Venezuela (PDVSA), citing a periodic risk-management review. The institution told bondholders that it would end its role as PDVSA's principal pay agent and suspend its processing of at least seven debt bonds, including some due later this year and in 2017. This will force the oil company to hunt for another institution willing to process those payments. Citibank's decision brings with it considerable risk for Venezuela. If PDVSA is unable to pay bondholders because it cannot find an alternate payment processor, it would effectively be in default. Given the nature of PDVSA debt contracts, a default could trigger a lengthy court battle, which would have significant implications not only for PDVSA's financial future but also for Venezuela's social stability. At the least, a default would spell a volatile financial road ahead for Venezuela.

Citibank's decision appears to have been motivated by its notification of ongoing investigations (particularly by the U.S. departments of Justice and the Treasury) of alleged criminal activities by individuals associated with PDVSA. According to one source, concerns about money laundering involving PDVSA influenced the move. There are also reports that additional sanctions by the United States against additional Venezuelan political figures and state institutions could be forthcoming. The bank's final decision was motivated by the regulatory risk in continuing to process the payments. Several other banks, such as UBS, Santander Private Banking, Banco Safra and HSBC, are also unlikely to process PDVSA debt payments, given the growing risks. PDVSA is currently attempting to execute a bond swap to fulfill debt payments due in 2017, although it is unclear whether its interest in a swap is related to the problems with finding a pay agent or concerns about its financial ability to make upcoming payments.

The decision by Citibank and the rising perception of risk among other financial institutions places the Venezuelan government in a tenuous position. Missing a single foreign debt payment would place PDVSA in default, which would most likely lead to lawsuits by international bondholders and a disorderly legal battle. That process, which could resemble Argentina's nearly 15-year battle with creditors, would open the door for further political and economic chaos in Venezuela. An inability to pay bondholders would eventually lead to a debt restructuring process, but PDVSA, which relies on credit to pay operating costs, would likely suffer a loss of production, as lenders would be less willing to extend credit to a bankrupt company. A significant drop in oil production would exacerbate the country's instability. The flow of dollars to public finances, which are crucial to paying for imports of food and other necessary products, would be reduced, intensifying already extreme inflation and driving more social unrest.

Because PDVSA oil exports provide about 95 percent of Venezuela's export revenue, which pays for imports and public administration, its default on foreign debt would threaten the sitting government. While the core of political elites around President Nicolas Maduro has so far been able to manage the country's deepening social and economic crises and delay a recall referendum against the president, a default would take Venezuela into uncharted territory. It would trigger a steady decline for the country's oil exports, with no real relief in sight until energy prices rise. Even with oil price recovery, PDVSA would still face a limited ability to borrow abroad as long as it remained in default.

There is still a possibility that PDVSA can find a replacement for Citibank as a payment processor and make the $5 billion in debt payments due in October and November. But if it cannot, the sharp decline in living standards accompanying a default would be extremely dangerous for stability in Venezuela. This is where U.S. influence through the International Monetary Fund could play a significant role in providing a softer landing post-default. Certainly, in a default situation, Venezuela would seek a financial assistance package from the IMF or other international lenders.

For PDVSA and the administration, the next few months will be crucial. How the military and civilian institutions surrounding the president react to a looming default — or even to the ongoing deterioration of Venezuela's economy and public finances — will be key to the nation's immediate future. A default would be a socially traumatic event that would likely widen the already visible cracks in the ruling party's alliances and could shift the outlook by pro-government institutions on their continued support of the president as he attempts to resist the recall referendum. It is also important to keep an eye on powerful individuals within the government, such as Defense Minister Gen. Vladimir Padrino Lopez, to see if they begin to publicly support a political transition away from Maduro. Public demonstrations of support for a referendum, currently ongoing in Caracas and elsewhere in the country, are only a piece of the picture. Less visible are the developments that could trigger a default and thus a political transition on very shaky economic ground.